Was The Military Occupation Of The South Positive Or Negative

Was The Military Occupation Of The South Positive Or Negative – The Banana Wars were a series of conflicts consisting of military occupation, police action and intervention by the United States in Central America and the Caribbean between the end of the Spanish-American War in 1898 and the beginning of the Good Neighbor Policy in 1934.

The military interventions were carried out mainly by the United States Marine Corps, which also developed a manual, the Small Wars Manual (1921) based on their experiences. On occasion, the United States Navy provided gunfire support and US Army troops were also deployed.

Was The Military Occupation Of The South Positive Or Negative

With the Treaty of Paris signed in 1898, control of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines fell into the hands of the United States (handed over from Spain). Following this, the United States continued military interventions in Cuba, Panama, Honduras, Nicaragua, Mexico, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. These conflicts arose with the withdrawal of troops from Haiti in 1934 under President Franklin D. Roosevelt.

The Us Occupation Of The Dominican Republic, 1916 1924

By author Lester D. Langley. Langley has written several books on Latin American history and American intervention, including: The United States and the Caribbean, 1900–1970 and The Banana Wars: An Inner History of American Empire, 1900–1934. His work on the Banana Wars spanned the United States’ tropical empire, which spanned the Western Hemisphere, spanning both Roosevelt presidencies. The term was popularized by this writing and depicted the United States as a police force st to reconcile these warring tropical countries, lawless societies and corrupt politicians; mainly the establishment of American rule over tropical trade. Hundreds of American soldiers and thousands of local residents died in the Banana Wars.

US Marines with a Haitian guide patrolling the jungle in 1915 during the Battle of Fort Dipitie

Most importantly, the US promoted economic, political and military interests to maintain its sphere of influence and secure the Panama Canal (opened in 1914). The United States built the Panama Canal outright to promote world trade and project its naval power. American companies, such as the United Fruit Company, also had financial interests in the production of bananas, tobacco, sugar cane, and other commodities throughout the Caribbean, Central America, and North and South America.

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Other Latin American nations have been influenced or dominated to the point of coercion by US economic policy and/or commercial interests. In 1904, Theodore Roosevelt declared the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, asserting the right of the United States to intervene to stabilize the economic affairs of states in the Caribbean and Central America if they could not pay their international debts. not pay From 1909–1913, President William Howard Taft and his Secretary of State, Philander C. Knox, asserted a more “peaceful and economical” foreign policy of Dollar Diplomacy, although it was also backed by force, as in Nicaragua.

The first decades of the history of Honduras are characterized by instability in terms of politics and economy. Indeed, three armed conflicts occurred between independence and the rise to power of the Carias government.

The first company to enter into an agreement with the Honduran government was the Vaccaro Brothers Company (Standard Fruit Company).

The Cuyamel Fruit Company followed their lead. United Fruit Company also contracted with the government through its subsidiaries, Tela Railroad Company and Truxillo Rail Road Company.

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Contract between the Honduran government and the American companies usually involves exclusive rights to a piece of land in exchange for the construction of railways in Honduras.

However, banana producers in Central America (including Honduras) “were plagued by Panama disease, a soil-borne fungus (…) that wiped out production over large regions”.

Usually, companies would abandon the destroyed plantations and destroy the railroads and other utilities they used along with the plantation,

The ultimate goal of the contracts for the companies was control of the banana trade from production to distribution. The companies would finance guerrilla fighters, presidential campaigns and governments.

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According to Rivera and Carranza, the indirect participation of American companies in the country’s armed conflicts has worsened the situation.

In British Honduras (now Belize) the situation was considerably different. Although the United Fruit Company was the only exporter of bananas there, and the company also tried to manipulate the local government, the country did not suffer the instability and armed conflicts that its neighbors experienced.

Perhaps the most active military officer in the Banana Wars was US Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler, nicknamed “Maverick Marine”, who saw action in Honduras in 1903, served in Nicaragua to oppose US policy from 1909 to 1912 force, was awarded the medal. of honor for his role in Veracruz in 1914, and a second Medal of Honor for bravery in Haiti in 1915. After his forced retirement for making reckless statements, Butler made a career of speaking to left-wing groups that rejected capitalism. His standard speech after 1933 was entitled War is a Racket, where he rejected the role he had played, describing himself as “a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers … a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism “Designing policies in areas involved in protracted conflicts is a constant challenge for governments, companies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Since there are various areas of disputed territories and occupations around the world, setting policies towards one conflict raises the question of whether similar policies will be set towards others. Where different policies are implemented, the question arises: On what principle or on what objective are the differences based?

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Recently, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) decided, for example, that goods entering the European Union that are produced in Jewish settlements in the West Bank must be clearly designated as such.1 At the same time, however, neither the ECJ nor the European Union have introduced similar policies on goods from other areas of occupation, such as Nagorno-Karabakh or Abkhazia. The US administration quickly criticized the decision of the ECJ as discriminatory as it only applies to Israel.2 Yet, at the same time, US customs policy on goods imported from other territories is also contradictory: US Customs and Border Protection has explicit guidelines that goods are imported from other areas. the West Bank must be labeled as such, while goods entering the United States from other occupied zones, such as Nagorno-Karabakh, face no customs interference.

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Territorial conflicts have existed throughout history. But the establishment of the United Nations, whose core principles include the inviolability of borders and the inadmissibility of the use of force to change them, led to the spread of protracted conflicts. Previously, continued control over territory led to eventual acceptance of the ruling power’s claims to sovereignty. Today, the United Nations prevents the recognition of such claims, but remains largely unable to influence the status quo, leaving territories in a permanent twilight zone. Such areas include, but are not limited to: Crimea, Donbas, Northern Cyprus, the West Bank, Kashmir, The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria and Western Sahara.3

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The problem is not simply that the United Nations, United States, European Union, private corporations and NGOs behave in a highly inconsistent manner. It is that their policies are selective and often reveal biases that underline deeper problems in the international system. For example, Russia occupies areas that the United States and the European Union recognize as parts of Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, yet Crimea is the only Russian-occupied territory subject to Western sanctions. By contrast, products from Russian-controlled Transnistria enter the United States as products from Moldova, and the European Union allows Transnistria to enjoy the benefits of a trade agreement with Moldova. The United States and the European Union demand specific labeling of goods produced in Jewish settlements in the West Bank and prohibit them from being labeled as Israeli products. Yet products from Nagorno-Karabakh – which the United States and the European Union recognize as part of Azerbaijan – freely enter Western markets labeled as products of Armenia.

Today, various occupying powers try to disguise their control by setting up proxy regimes, such as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or similar entities in Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh. Although these proxies do not secure international recognition, the fiction of their autonomy benefits the occupier. In contrast, countries that recognize their direct role in a territorial dispute tend to face greater external pressure than those that exercise control by proxy.

Some territorial disputes led to the forced eviction or war flight of the pre-conflict population. A related issue is the extent to which the occupier allowed or encouraged its own citizens to become settlers. Although one might expect the international system to hold less favorable policies towards occupiers who expel residents and build settlements, this is not the case. Armenia expelled the Azerbaijani population from Nagorno-Karabakh, but the United States and the European Union were very lenient towards Armenia. They were also lenient with Morocco, which built a 1,700-mile barrier to protect settled areas of Western Sahara and imported hundreds of thousands of settlers there. Against this background, the constant pressure to limit Israeli settlement in the West Bank is not the exception

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