Who Is Commander In Chief Of The Us Military Forces

Who Is Commander In Chief Of The Us Military Forces – General Christopher Cavoli currently commands U.S. Army Forces Europe and will succeed General Tod Wolters as head of the U.S. Army Corps. European Command and NATO supreme allied commander.

Gen. Christopher Cavoli testifies during his confirmation hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee on May 26, 2022. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Who Is Commander In Chief Of The Us Military Forces

The Senate has approved President Joe Biden’s nominee for leadership of US forces in Europe and commander in chief of NATO.

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Army General Christopher Cavoli was confirmed Thursday night, as US and European allies work to help Ukraine slow down Russia’s offensive and NATO looks to expand into Sweden and Finland following Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion.

Cavoli, who now commands US Army forces on the continent, will succeed Air Force Gen. Tod Wolters as head of US European Command and NATO’s top allied commander. Cavoli will assume command in a change of command ceremony on July 1.

Ukrainian leaders have sounded the alarm that they are losing out on the battlefield amid an intense Russian offensive, and calls are growing for the Biden administration to provide Ukraine with more long-range artillery and more sophisticated weaponry, such as armed drones.

Cavoli is also taking on, while NATO grants membership to Sweden and Finland, Nordic nations that have spent decades maintaining their official neutrality. However, all 30 NATO member countries must sign off on Sweden and Finland joining the alliance, and Turkey has raised objections that could hamper enlargement.

Lt. Gen. Calvin A.h. Waller, Deputy Commander In Chief, U.s. Central Command (forward), Desert Shield. Subject Operation/series: Desert Shield Base: Washington State: District Of Columbia (dc) Country: United States Of America (usa Stock Photo

Testifying during his confirmation hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee in May, Cavoli supported NATO expansion and praised the military capabilities of both countries.

“I look forward to Finland and Sweden joining the alliance from a military point of view,” Cavoli said. “Each of these militaries brings a number of skills and capabilities to the Alliance from day one.”

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NATO is set to convene a much-anticipated summit in Madrid next week, where leaders are expected to adopt a new strategic concept and consider expanding the alliance’s eastern perimeter and continuing aid to Ukraine. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine forced many NATO countries to change military stances overnight, as the US and Europe brought arms and equipment to the front lines and several countries pledged to spend more on defense.

Cavoli said he supports Allies to increase their defense spending beyond the current target of 2% of gross domestic product set in the 2014 Wales Pledge.

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“I’m a proponent of spending more than 2 percent, at least 2 percent,” Cavoli told senators, joining several Biden administration officials who have campaigned for European nations to spend more on their militaries.

The four-star general is fluent in Russian and has a master’s degree in Russian from Yale. He served as Russia director on the Pentagon’s Joint Staff and also led troops on two deployments in Afghanistan.

Lt. Gen. Darryl Williams was confirmed as a four-star general and succeeding Cavoli as commander of the forces in Europe. Williams, who is now superintendent at West Point, will be the first black general to hold the post.

The senators also approved the promotion of Lt. Gen. James Hecker to the four-star ranks and the assumption of U.S. Air Forces in Europe. Vice Admiral Stuart Munsch was also confirmed as Admiral and the next in command of US Naval Forces in Europe, following a narrow, invisible path cleared by the squad’s lone metal detector man. Neither of us had any illusions about the danger we were in; we knew we had to remain vigilant. “Complacency kills” was a common mantra. America finds itself in one of the most vulnerable phases of the war in Afghanistan — with a resurgent Taliban, few combat troops on the ground, and mostly Afghan allies for protection. And we have a complacent supreme commander.

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I served under Barack Obama and George W. Bush, and I trusted that each would keep their end of the bargain with the military: we are at risk, and they are waging war with honor and responsibility. This President is different. Last week I learned that Donald Trump might be ignoring — or simply not reading — information that Russia had allegedly put bounties on American soldiers in Afghanistan.

According to the New York Times, three Marines may have been murdered last year by Taliban militants demanding Russian bounties. But Trump did nothing, then or now. Failure to act on this new information tells our enemies that it is open season for those still deployed and sends a message to US soldiers and our Afghan allies that there is no one behind them.

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The refusal to protect American soldiers from Russian assassination attempts is just Trump’s latest dismissal of the dangers facing troops overseas. After Iranian missile strikes on US bases in Iraq earlier this year, he claimed that “we have suffered no casualties.” Later, after 100 soldiers were diagnosed with traumatic brain injuries, he said, “I heard they had headaches and a few other things, but I would say, and I can report, it’s not very serious.”

The same injury rightly warranted a Purple Heart when I was in Afghanistan. After a rocket-propelled grenade exploded near one of my non-commissioned officers, he suffered a concussion and was unable to form coherent sentences for days. Concussions plague many soldiers for years, causing cognitive and emotional impairment. Just as some injuries require amputation, a traumatic brain injury also takes a part of the person who wounds it.

Volney F. Warner

When the President downplays the risks to our soldiers, or doesn’t act on new information — or simply doesn’t read the briefings and doesn’t take our lives seriously — he’s neglecting his vital duty to counter threats well above the pay grade of the average military official just trying to stop the to fulfill its assigned mission safely.

Russian bounties are particularly dangerous because they drive a wedge between our military and the Afghan people by encouraging treason in an already impoverished country. When I was there almost a decade ago, attacks by Afghan soldiers and police on coalition forces, known as green-on-blue attacks, were one of the biggest threats we faced. However, because we needed to build trust with our allies, we had no way to mitigate this vulnerability that the Taliban – now backed by Russia – have long sought to exploit.

The Afghan war is an intimate conflict built on trust in the Afghan people. My company’s mission was to work with a unit of the Afghan National Army at a small patrol base in the northern Helmand River Valley. Then, as now, in the deserts and valleys of Afghanistan, American troops were outnumbered, in close quarters with an unknown culture. The marines were nervous at first, but we lived and patrolled with the Afghans. Our goal was to train Afghan soldiers to take on the fight that both groups knew would ultimately be theirs alone.

Many of us developed close relationships while we were there. On Eid-al-Fitr, the holiday marking the end of Ramadan, American and Afghan soldiers slaughtered sheep and broke bread together as usual. I found myself up late with the Afghan commander smoking cheap Pine cigarettes and eating cantaloupe-sized pomegranates cross-legged on his carpeted dirt floor. He showed me old videos of mujahideen fighting the Soviets during their occupation in the 1980s.

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Joe N. Ballard

When I later had to tell him that one of his men had been killed, I saw this perpetually stoic man’s eyes turn red and watery, just like my lieutenant’s just before when I told him the same news about one of his marines. Our men have fought and died together, building battalion after battalion partnerships over decades.

, or meetings where the problems of the Afghan people are discussed. We got to know each other’s names and faces. We patrolled sites to follow a well we had helped build, only to be invited to chai. I looked at children, the little boys noisy and smiling, the curious-eyed girls not yet covered by a burqa, and I wondered what kind of life they dreamed of and if our work would help them one day to make it happen.

In 2015, a few years after my service, the Taliban overran the district where I had served. I don’t know what happened to the army commander or the children who followed us on patrol begging for pencils. But I’m sure the American troops still stationed there are our last hope of giving the rest of the country a chance to stand up to Taliban rule, which is as oppressive today as it was in 2001. We owe the Afghan soldiers and people and US troops still provided the support and respect it took to finally end this war.

Every single man and woman who fought in the Afghanistan campaign would sleep better, or tell their story to their children with more pride, or stand at the graves of long-dead friends with less heartache, if the war ended in victory—but I know that’s not possible.

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