Why Is Japan Military Complex So Weak Compared To China

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Why Is Japan Military Complex So Weak Compared To China – Members of the Japan Self-Defense Forces infantry unit march during the annual SDF ceremony at Asaka Base, Japan, October 23, 2016

China’s increased military action against Taiwan and the recent passage of a law allowing the Chinese coast guard to use weapons against foreign ships Beijing deems to be illegally entering its waters are a reminder that the security environment of the Japanese getting safer. Although it may seem unthinkable, China may someday use force against Japan. If so, the Self Defense Forces will be asked to defend the country. In this situation, does the Japanese public fully understand what the SDF would be expected to do?

Why Is Japan Military Complex So Weak Compared To China

According to surveys conducted by the Cabinet Office, a large majority of the Japanese public maintains a positive opinion of the SDF, but a majority also believes that the current defense capabilities of the SDF are sufficient and do not need to be strengthened. And when given multiple options for the role of the SDF according to them, the main answer is disaster relief operations, not protecting the country from external threats.

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Although Japan does not call the SDF an army, externally, it is viewed as such. This is for good reason. It is widely regarded as a modern armed force with a high defense capability. This respect is particularly strong from its ally the USA. However, the Japanese public tends to have a largely sanitized view of the SDF and the alliance. Instead of the sacrifices SDF families are forced to make or witness SDF training to defend Japan against Chinese aggression, the main image of the SDF is non-military disaster relief. Even with the alliance, instead of images of the US and Japanese armed forces cooperating closely, the public perception of the alliance tends to be frequent visits between political leaders or ministers. The Alliance’s central role in warfare is rarely, if ever, seen in the public eye.

And yet, as happened after Joe Biden became America’s 46th president, Japanese leaders will often seek a verbal commitment from a new US administration to protect the Senkaku Islands. Although this fact is widely reported, what it actually means, including that the SDF may be responsible for the use of force, is often lost in the public dialogue. Importantly, it is never mentioned that Japanese and Americans are risking their lives to defend Japan. And that they will die even for that reason.

The hostility to public discussion of the SDF is understandable given Japan’s history and that parts of the Japanese public have strong pacifist sentiments and are very sensitive to the idea of ​​Japan using force, even in defense of Japan.

A good example is the public debate regarding the security legislation that was finally passed in 2015. Instead of a public discussion of the role of the SDF, the military relationship with the United States, and the expectations of what the SDF should to do to protect Japan, each party in the public debate spoke over the other. The government took an overly legalistic approach and sometimes referred to hypothetical situations. The media and opposition parties refuted the legislation as “acts of war” and avoided substantive discussion of the matter.

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Given the threats facing Japan, it may benefit the Japanese public to better understand the value of the SDF as an armed force.

However, given the threats facing Japan, it may benefit the Japanese public to better understand the value of the SDF as an armed force and the military cooperation that occurs with the United States. Doing so could start a discussion beyond legal or emotional arguments to address the important security issues facing Japan. This, in turn, could help Japanese leaders publicly discuss important policy objectives with a more engaged public.

If public opposition to the role of the SDF or the use of force is abandoned, the operations themselves may have weak public support, making the SDF’s job much more difficult. . After all, asking armed forces to protect a population that does not support it could lead to demoralization of those forces. Japan is no exception.

The threats facing Japan are not going away, which means that the role of the SDF will grow in importance. It may benefit not only the CFS, but the leaders who will be asked to make difficult decisions, to have a better respect and understanding of the SDF, and of Japan’s alliance with the United States.

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On February 18, 2021. The commentary provides a platform for researchers to express insights based on their professional expertise and often peer-reviewed research and analysis. planning or to reduce the US regional defense burden.

US policymakers welcomed Japan’s recent announcement that it plans to significantly increase defense spending over the next five years. But while some enthusiasm is warranted, Washington should keep its expectations in check.

Jennifer Kavanagh is a senior fellow in the American Statecraft Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Japan’s new commitments are undoubtedly significant. He plans to raise defense spending to 2 percent of GDP by 2027, or 60 percent over five years. This will give the country the third largest defense budget in the world. Japan’s new national security strategy explains how it will assume primary responsibility for its own defense within five years and take a much more active role in Indo-Pacific security. For Washington, which wants to share more of the burden of efforts to deter Chinese aggression and respond to regional incidents, these measures are encouraging: if Japan could take responsibility for its own defense, it would reduce the demands made on US military forces in the region. and allow the United States to focus and prioritize its investments in Asia more effectively.

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However, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces – while more capable by 2027 than they are today – will likely still be dependent on the United States in many ways and limited in their ability to contribute to any regional crises well into in the 2030s. Given US Defense and State Department expectations that China may consider aggressive military action against Taiwan or elsewhere in the theater on an accelerated timeline, perhaps before the end of this decade, it may be Japan’s move too slow to interfere with US planning for regional and contingency deterrence. operations or to reduce the US defense burden in the region.

Washington will have to keep up the pressure on Tokyo to comply and even further expand its defense investment — for example, by making US military aid to Japan conditional on continued, larger increases in Japanese defense spending in the coming years.

Japan faces a large investment gap, and its current proposed budget increases are too small and too direct to address related short-term consequences. For the past three decades, Japan has maintained an annual defense budget of about 1 percent of its GDP. This is below the NATO benchmark of 2 percent and even further than regional peers such as South Korea, India, and Taiwan, which have each averaged about 2.5 percent of GDP per year over the same period. Years of low spending have left Japan’s defense force with an aging physical infrastructure, low munitions stockpiles, old and inadequate air and seal and refueling capabilities, and personnel shortages due to recruitment and retention issues.

Closing this investment gap will be difficult and will take time. For example, the difference between Japan allocating 1 percent of GDP to defense instead of 2 percent from 2012-21 represents a foregone expenditure of about $500 billion (in 2020 US dollars). To close this gap over the next five years, Japan would need to invest an additional 2 percent of GDP on top of the planned increases just to offset a decade of underspending. An increase of this magnitude would probably be politically unsustainable, but this comparison shows how deep and long-lasting the effects of low defense spending will be.

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While grappling with underspending deficits, Japan will also need to build or acquire a wide and expensive array of modernized and advanced systems, weapons and infrastructure needed to defend itself against adversaries such as China and North Korea. .

For example, Japan will need a reliable long-range strike capability and a significantly increased number of long- and short-range air defense systems. US Tomahawk missiles will likely fill the long-range strike requirement in the near future, but Japan will also need to increase its supply of Type-12 missiles to bolster its defense against mobile naval targets for which Tomahawk missiles are unsuitable. Large stocks of anti-aircraft and anti-ship munitions—which Japan does not normally maintain—will also be needed. Modernization of Japan’s naval capabilities and air and sea assets will be essential to respond to a Chinese attack.

In terms of infrastructure, Japan will need to invest in advanced cyber security and space capabilities, including new satellites. Airfields, ports and highways require hardening and expansion to support more resilient operations. Resources to support enhanced capabilities and training for Japanese forces stationed in Southwest Japan and to support new command structures, including a permanent joint headquarters,

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