What Percentage Of Us Citizens Have Served In The Military

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What Percentage Of Us Citizens Have Served In The Military – Millions of Americans are employed as active military or serving in the Reserves and National Guard. While a smaller portion of Americans hold positions in the U.S. Armed Forces than in years past, many Americans still have a direct connection to the military. According to data from the US Census Bureau, 3.2% of the US population lives in a military household with at least one member of the active military, Reserve, or National Guard.

The draft for military service ended in 1973. Since then, the military has been a volunteer force. During the Vietnam war in 1968, there were nearly 3.7 million active military members, which comprised 1.8% of the total US population, but the share of active military members has declined since then. In 2020, 1.5 million Americans, or less than 0.5% of the population, are on active duty.

What Percentage Of Us Citizens Have Served In The Military

The demographics of the US military have also changed dramatically over time. Today, a greater share of women serve – female enlistees account for 16% of the enlisted force, up from 2% in 1973, while the share of female officers has increased from 8% in 1973 to 19%. At the same time, the Armed Forces have become more racially and ethnically diverse, and the share of military members with children has fluctuated over time. In 2010 and 2011, 44% of active military personnel were parents; in 2020, this figure drops to less than 36%.

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As the demographics of the US military have changed over time, so has the share of Americans who are part of a military family. While just over 3% of Americans are in military households, this number varies by geography, based on the presence of US military bases. At the state level, Hawaii, which has 13 military bases, is home to the largest number of military household members, accounting for 11.2% of the population. Military families are also common in Alaska, with nine bases, where 10.5% of the population is in military households. On the other end of the spectrum, only about 2% of the population in Michigan and New York live in military households.

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To determine which U.S. metropolitan areas have the most military families, researchers analyzed the most recent data from the U.S. Census Bureau. The researchers ranked metros by the percentage of their population in military households—defined as one in which at least one household member currently serves in the military, Reserves, or National Guard. The researchers also calculated the percentage of the population who are active duty military personnel, the percentage of the population who are Veterans, the percentage of the population who are in the Reserves or National Guard, and the military branch with the largest active duty presence.

To determine the US metropolitan areas with the most military families, researchers analyzed data from the US Census Bureau’s 2019 American Community Survey Public Use Microdata Sample. at least one household member is currently serving in the military, Reserves, or National Guard. In the event of a tie, metros with higher numbers of military households rank higher. The researchers also calculated the percentage of the population who are active duty military personnel, the percentage of the population who are Veterans, the percentage of the population who are in the Reserves or National Guard, and the military branch with the largest active duty presence.

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To increase relevance, only metropolitan areas with at least 100,000 people were included in the analysis. Additionally, metro areas are grouped into the following groups based on population size:

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New research led by University of Georgia sociologists on the growing scope and scale of crime convictions found that in 2010, 3 percent of the total US population and 15 percent of the African-American male population were incarcerated. People with more felony convictions account for 8 percent of the overall population and 33 percent of the African-American male population.

The study includes the first estimate of the population of felony convictions and distribution maps in the states, noting the dramatic growth since 1980.

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“There’s been a lot of scholarly and policy attention on incarceration, and rightly so, because it has very different consequences for the people who experience it, as well as their communities and families,” said Sarah Shannon, assistant professor of sociology at the Franklin College of Arts and Sciences and first author. in learning.

“But the larger population that also has a felony conviction faces many of the same types of stigma as having been incarcerated—not having access to jobs, not having access to housing and welfare support—without necessarily having the experience of spending time in bars,” he said.

Because the US does not maintain data registries on people with felony convictions, researchers calculated estimates based on annual data, and used demographic methods to estimate the number of deaths and re-incarcerations to establish numbers for each state and year.

The study estimated that in 2010 there were 19 million people in the US who had a felony record, including those who had been in jail, prison or on felony probation.

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The map in the study represents the combined crime population by state in 2010, as states differ in their criminal justice policies, particularly in terms of law enforcement, prisons and community supervision.

States use different policies to decide how to punish people, Shannon said. For example, Georgia and Minnesota have high rates of people on probation for crimes, although Minnesota is a low incarceration state. Georgia leads the nation in probation rates.

“In our communities across the country, people live, work, pay taxes, or earn all while facing the consequences of criminal justice experiences that limit their life chances and also have spillover effects into other social institutions,” Shannon said.

Because states differ in how they report statistics to the Bureau of Justice Statistics and other measures such as recidivism, the researchers presented a range to reflect the error and uncertainty in the data.

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“Although data is improving over time, the lack of quality and consistency of data can make it difficult to examine the scope and scale of our criminal justice system. This is especially true in cases of race and ethnicity,” Shannon said.

Historically, the data includes race in terms of whites and African Americans. But states differ in how and whether they define Hispanic and Latino ethnicity.

Punishment has become a prominent political influence, especially since the 1970s. And this has been a very bipartisan issue, in terms of getting tougher on crime, but also now we’re seeing a reform movement. – Assistant professor Sarah Shannon

A broader explanation of the growth trend focuses on policy responses that occurred as part of the war on drugs and other sentencing changes that began in the 1970s that increased the likelihood of incarceration and criminal justice oversight. Mandatory minimum sentencing laws, true in law sentences, and three-strikes laws, for example, increase the prison population.

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Political dynamics that lead to more aggressive enforcement and vigorous prosecution contribute to higher crime rates, but also play a role in reducing the prison population.

“Penalty has been an important political influence, especially since the 1970s. And it’s a very bipartisan issue, in terms of crime, but also because we’re now seeing a reform movement,” Shannon said. “Proponents of harsher sentencing on the right and the left in recent decades are now grappling with the tremendous fiscal and social costs of incarceration, especially since the Great Recession, when states really felt the need to tighten their budgets and the majority of funding for the criminal justice system came at the country level.We hope our work will help scholars and policymakers understand past trends and their impact on various social issues, as well as inform efforts to change policy.

The study, “The Growth, Scope, and Spatial Distribution of People with Felony Records in the United States, 1948-2010,” is available at https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s13524-017-0611- 1

Co-authors on the study include Christopher Uggen, Regent Professor and McKnight Distinguished Professor of sociology and law at the University of Minnesota; Jason Schnittker, professor of sociology at the University of Pennsylvania; Melissa Thompson, associate professor of sociology, Portland State University; Sara Wakefield, professor of criminal justice,

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